To be ‘classified as black’ is a racial distinction that has its own history. It has its own legacy of racism. Its own ‘blackness’. Its own ways of being, feeling, thinking and participating ‘as ‘black’ in ‘white’ cultures. This includes its own way of expressing academic analysis.

The ‘differential rationalisation’ theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012) suggests that each disfavoured group has been racialised in its own way. They have been racialised according to the needs of the dominant ‘white’ group. The UN document (Article 7, 1994) explains that ‘ethnocide’ is any act that deprives a people of its integrity as a distinct people. It denies them their cultural values and ethnic identity’.

‘Black’ peoples and individuals have the right to be free from ‘forced assimilation’ and destruction of culture. They have the right to be able to use their own languages and protect their historical, cultural and religious heritage and live in an environment where they can enjoy their own cultures and where those cultures are able to develop and flourish (Pruim, 2014). This is basically the right to self-determination as a group that Asians and others non-whites have. Thus, when Malcolm X spoke of self-determination he correctly anticipated that voting privileges already available to ‘blacks’ could be misdirected and not enough to protect their human rights. Rights that would allow ‘black full development not just as individuals but as a group. The problem is that the UK and U.S. governments are caught between what international law prescribes on one hand, and what their commitment to democratic values and human rights implies on the other. Subsequently, self-determination is understood as a responsibility as well as a right – something that ‘black’ people must do if they are to survive into the future as a strong ethnic group.

As the handbook, as shown, ‘black’ British and American history has been about a struggle against racism from both their ‘white’ populations as a whole and the British or US state. This situation has forced ‘blacks’ to seek ‘more power,’ that would enable them to realise their further and full potential by seeking self-determination. Note carefully that self-determination does not mean ‘separatism’. Separatism is isolationism and resistance to exchange, but self-determination is the right and practice of freedom (Karenga, 2016).

Thus, in terms of the handbook a two way ‘conversation’ is illuminating as one gains a ‘clarity’ of thought. This approach increases deeper understanding of how ‘race’ and racism functions in other cultures and ethnic groups. Black’ people historically have always challenged racism by use of opposing political theories and practise. Thus, the handbook’s approach is therefore a continuation of this. For most of Black Modern History there has been a war waged against: the concept, consciousness and practise of ‘blackness’ (Karenga, 2010). Every time ‘black’ people assert themselves as a ‘distinct people’ they we are told they must tone down, dilute their ‘blackness or not be ‘too black’ (Karenga, 2010). They tell us, that we should not pursue our ‘black’ or African identity. They tell us that we do not need ‘black’ interests. They tell us that we do not need a black agenda. Yet, it is ‘black’ people’s cultural rights as a distinctive people to struggle and resist racism in the manner they see fit.